Paradigm Shift: Open-source and the Market Revolution

by James Matthew Miraflor

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Known also as the “Bazaar” paradigm of software development, the FLOSS operates under the economics of increased competition and participative development, in contrast with the “Cathedral” paradigm employed by most software development companies in the market which seeks to monopolize software production and maintenance through consolidated capital. Instead of concentrating resources in order to improve its product, FLOSS flattens the hierarchy and allows a greater number of channels by which the product can be improved.

This paradigm is actually based on a new model of economic production – the commons-based peer production. Coined by Professor Yochai Benkler in his seminal paper Coase’s Penguin, the model is different from the conventional industrial production model since the creative potential of large number of people is coordinated into large and meaningful projects without traditional hierarchical organization or financial compensation."

Low-intensity Democracy

All the fuss about Arroyo establishing a Marcos-style Martial Law is nothing but white noise, I realized recently. After all, that was what Arroyo construed the purpose of her recent antidemocratic measures to begin with – to be a weapon of distraction against her opponents, or maybe another bargaining chip against the opposition (which she can use to buy time by “waiving” in “good faith”). That is not really particularly interesting. What is interesting, however, is how her style of governance (or more aptly, tyranny) imposes a change to the very nature of our democracy – a change which may very well be irreversible if unmitigated.

Games of States: Power Players in the Israel-Hezbollah War of Aggression

"The war in Lebanon then is not a war by the Arab or Jewish people but a war waged by its local elites managing their foreign-controlled governments. Whether or not wars like this will continue to be waged depends on the actions of the governments of these state actors, and inevitably, on the local elites which control the state apparatus."

Weapons of Choice: Arroyo’s Protracted Martial Law

Sidebar Article to Legalized Terror

Arroyo’s recent policies seem to form a seamless strategy – a controlled issuance of draconian measures so as to contain public reactions without triggering a critical mass of opposition enough to topple her. Thus, together with EO493, Arroyo unleashed a set of executive weapons against dissent.

As part of her protracted war against the opposition, the militants, and the civil society, Arroyo’s weapons intend to surgically dissect and dismantle critics and elements hostile to her regime. Let’s take a closer look at her arsenal:

Legalized Terror: EO 493, ATL, ASL, and the War against Democracy

Niccolo Machiavelli, in his seminal work The Prince, wrote that a leader ought to have no other aim, thought, nor subject of study but war, for it is the only discipline that will enable a leader to seize and hold power. Arroyo, in her struggle for political survival and eventual dominance, is now on a war mode. Now in control of the three branches of the government, Arroyo fortifies her regime through an edict that introduces wartime tactics into peacetime politics.

On January 17, 2006, Arroyo issued Executive Order 493 directing the creation of the Inter-Agency Legal Action Group (IALAG), a super-body under the National Intelligence Board (NIB) that is tasked to investigate, prosecute, monitor, and handle litigation processes of cases involving national security. A preliminary budget of P 50 million was allocated for the operations of the new super-agency.

Apologies (on Empire Strikes Back)

Apologies for my readers who may have been expecting the third installment of the “Empire Strikes Back: Signs of Creeping Martial Law” article. Due to certain political commitments which I have to attend to, I may not be able to finish the article anymore. Moreover, the facts that I have intended to use for the third installment is no longer that fresh in the minds of contemporary Filipinos.

The third installment would have elaborated on the EO454 and how placing the NTC under the DOTC strengthens immeasurably Malacañang’s control on media. I would have added here recent accusations of Malacañang and ISAFP against broadcast journalist and TV anchor Julius Babao, which stated that he had been involved in the release of a terrorist by the name of Tyrone del Rosario Santos, a.k.a. Dawud Santos. Is this a ploy of Malacañang to provoke media into doing something, or maybe just simply to put media in a bad light?

Another topic which would have been raised by the third article is the sustainability of Arroyo’s tactic in curtailing civil and political rights. Was it mere bluff or was it really the real thing? We would had have to account recent toning down of Malacañang’s policy and the declining sensationalism of several issues hurled against her. Is Malacañang toning down because criticisms are weakening, or it just found a good excuse for its incapability to sustain its policies? These issues would be covered by other articles which I would later post.

It is with apologies again that I say that I will no longer provide the third installment for the aforementioned article. Anyway, I would still be discussing the points that would have been raised by the installment in other articles. Thank you for your understanding.