Politics for Breakfast

Thursday, August 27, 2009

Transforming the Tide for Transformation

Yesterday, I was asked to give a talk on the City of Malabon University (CMU) for AB Political Science Students on a Lecture-Forum entitled "Political Science and its Place in the Society" as partial fulfillment of the requirements of PolSci 402 (Planning Method). Not being a polsci major, I considered talking about my "political" experiences as a development activist. But gauging that they need something more, I resorted to Saul Alinsky, the legendary community organizer.


Here is the presentation.

View more presentations from jmmiraflor.

Most of the points I raised here were derived from this very important book by Alinsky, "Rules for Radicals". To understand the importance of this book, we have to quote from the author himself:

"What follows is for those who want to change the world from what it is to what they believe it should be. The Prince was written by Machiavelli for the Haves on how to hold power. Rules for Radicals is written for the Have-Nots on how to take it away,"


Saul Alinsky's "Rules for Radicals": For the Have Nots


Niccolo Machiavelli's "The Prince": For the Haves

To quote wikipedia on Alinsky: "Saul David Alinsky (January 30, 1909, Chicago, Illinois – June 12, 1972, Carmel, California) was a community organizer and writer. He is generally considered to be the founder of modern community organizing in America. His ideas were adapted by some American college students and other young organizers in the late 1960s and formed part of their strategies for organizing on campus and beyond."

"Saul Alinsky died of a heart attack at the age of 63 in 1972."



Even Obama learned quite a few things from Alinsky.

It's fortunate that some students of CMU, as assisted by Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan (SDK) already had some experience in militant tactics as they campaigned against the assumption of the notorious Dr. Benjamin Tayabas as CMU president. I hope the presentation will be able to help them refine their tactics further.

Read more on Transforming the Tide for Transformation

Sunday, August 9, 2009

Reinventing Cory and the Dream of Democratic Nationhood

by James Miraflor



When Corazon Cojuangco Aquino died on the first day of August 2009, she as the Philippine symbol of liberal democracy did not die. Rather, she was sealed forever; and as things sealed forever, she was sealed with utmost and absolute purity of image.

This, for things sealed forever are either sealed with utmost adulation or absolute hate. For Cory, it was the former: at the day she died, everything people hated about her died with her; everything they loved about her was forever imprinted in the mantle of national memory that clothes the next generation.

Just as Ninoy’s flaws had been forgotten, so will hers be. People forgot Ninoy the cunning political demagogue; the youth remembers Ninoy now as the selfless national martyr. In the same way, people may eventually forget the bloody Mendiola massacre which happened during Cory’s term; but now the youth will always remember 1986 when Cory took the cudgels of power away from the strongman who denied their parents political rights.


In fact, there was already a precedent. Even Marcos’ brutal rule itself was partly diluted from the minds of many Filipinos, ironically by the brutality of the post-EDSA economic situation. Now, some Filipinos dreamily stare into the Marcosian past of state-afforded economic security, for no matter how meager it had been, and in spite of the fact that it came from a dictatorship, it was a hell lot better than today’s perpetual fear of poverty which hangs above their heads like a Damocles sword.


And so, what happened in the past few weeks, or even what will happen for the next few weeks, is necessarily a reinvention of Cory – for forgetting is necessarily a reinvention, and forgetting is to be done if Corazon Aquino is to forever be an immaculate symbol of a liberal democratic nation.


And this is for a very good reason. More than any other time since EDSA I, our notions of liberal democracy and even nationhood itself are threatened by predatory forces from within. We have seen how our democracy, if it can even pass as one, decayed into a rule by arbitrary power. We have seen how our economic status, then mired into debt and poverty just after Marcos, wound up two decades after into more debts and misery. We have seen Filipino nationhood, assaulted as it was by decades of exposure to Western ideals, now freely and willingly exchanged for better lives abroad.

The youth looks to our current leaders for hope; they didn’t see it in them, they saw it in Cory. And thus, while her revolution happened before they were born, they flocked her internment as those who have witnessed people power did. She was the memory of hope, and hope is what we needed right now.

Now more than ever, Cory serves as a reminder of a distant but concrete dream of democratic and equitable nation, the belief of which had failed the people in their travails with the Ramos, Estrada, Arroyo, and yes, even with her own administration. They had wanted Cory to fulfill for them that dream, and inevitably she failed: she failed to complete the agrarian reform project by not being strong enough against landlord interests, she failed to break the back of the wielders of elite power by not using her revolutionary powers towards social justice ends, and she failed to free us from foreign economic bondage because she honored the illegitimate debts of Marcos regime.


But while she had failed, many Filipinos believe that she was most sincere in working for the nation, presumably stripped as she is of malicious, corrupting compulsions we commonly attribute to those in power today. And now that she died, they were reminded of what she had worked for, amid today’s reality of democratic deficit, public apathy, and economic misery.

Cory Aquino had become a symbol, but not because of what she is or what she has done, but what had people wanted her to be, what people wanted her to do. The forgetting and reinvention was for a purpose, and it was for a purpose made urgent by the speed with which our concept of democratic nationhood is decaying right now. She has to be made an icon, for today is when we need icons to remind us of what we are currently losing, if we haven’t completely lost it yet.

Had she died in less troubled times, I think people would have still called her name and declared her a hero, but when I saw on TV how people flocked to her funeral march in Ayala and Manila, I was informed of something more. People are crying her name in desperate desire for change, and people are declaring her a popular hero under the rule of an unpopular villain. People are ascribing meaning to her existence more than the meaning she determined by her own heroism, as if the people fear that democracy, which they have seen recently assaulted and corrupted, may die with her.

I realize then, that the best way to pay respect to the real Cory is not just to celebrate her achievements, but also to give meaning to the symbol the people ascribed to her name. The best way to immortalize Cory is to insist on a concept of democracy that is not just an amalgamation of institutions governed by rules, but an emancipatory expression of popular power.

We can begin to do so by expressing our dissent to illegitimate rules and authorities, and just like Cory, fight for the ideals of democratic nationhood. Let us complete the unfinished people power project by taking up her role as a freedom fighter in these tumultuous times.

Read more on Reinventing Cory and the Dream of Democratic Nationhood

Tuesday, June 23, 2009

Scenarios on ConAss Resolution


Arroyo is Paranoid Android. Threatened by the prospects of post-presidency blues (read: legal cases), Mrs. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is on a grand plan to rock Philippine politics by becoming its first female Prime Minister.


I have received this email last week:

---------- Forwarded message ----------

From: Corazon Juliano-Soliman 〈dinky@incitegov.org〉
Date: Wed, Jun 3, 2009 at 6:29 PM
Subject: [changepolitics] express outrage over illegal and arrogant politics of CONASS
To: change politics


Greetings colleagues and comrades!

In the stillness of night the allies of the administration in Congress pierced and stabbed our backs by betraying public trust (the little that we had on them). They passed a resolution to convene aconstituent assembly! They will convene it with out the Senate...at least this is one option that they have, to move the process forward.

The irony of it is Speaker Nograles admitted publicly that it was pressure from Malacañang that made them do it; he does not have any plan regarding the next steps.

This is brazen disregard of the constitution and of their duty to represent the people's interest and will.The scenarios that have been discussed in a broad meeting this morning are as follows:

Scenario 1: House of Representative (HOR) will set the rules and procedures and proceed to amend the constitution acting now as a Constituent Assembly. After a period of time they bring the amended constitution to COMELEC to request for a plebiscite. A case is brought to the Supreme Court and the Supreme Court decides that a Senate less CONASS is valid.Plebiscite continues, it is a yes victory and the election ofMay 10, 2010 is an election for a parliamentary form of government. GMA runs on a district in Pampanga. She wins and becomes eventually the Prime Minister.This scenario assumes that the outraged and protest from the citizenry is weak.

Scenario 2: HOR convenes as a constituent assembly; a case is filed in the Supreme Court and SC declares that Congress is a bicameral body therefore the Senate is needed. Election fever catches up.A presidential election is held in May 10, 2010.This scenario assumes that there is significant citizen's lobby to stop CONASS and chahcha. The citizen's actions is a major influence in the assessment and judgement of the justices in the Supreme Court.

Scenario 3: HOR convenes as a constituent assembly, there is building outrage from the citizens and more street actions are undertaken. Malacañang rides on the anger of the people and organizes violent incidents that will then be the basis for emergency rule. This scenario assumes that citizen's actions are not organized and disciplined which creates the conditions for infiltration and manipulated violence from the enemies of democracy.


Scenario 4: HOR convenes as a constituent assembly; a case is filed in the Supreme Court, the debate and deliberation in the Supreme Court takes a long time and it gets overtaken by election on May 10, 2010. GMA runs for Congress in Pampanga she wins, the administration candidates win too. They get the Supreme Court go ahead and convenes a Constituent Assembly, converts Congress into a parliament and GMA is elected as Prime Minister. This scenario assumes that the 2010 election is dominated by the allies of GMA and her candidates wins. This scenario assumes that transactional politics was the dominant practice and cheating, vote buying and killing will be the norm in the election of 2010. This means the citizen's action was weak and we failed to educate and mobilize active citizenship.

These were some of the scenarios that can happen given the brazeness and arrogance of the allies of Malacanang in Congress.

It is therefore important that we express outrage! Call a press conference, write a letter to the editor, blog or start a spit campaign ---in a public place put a big pail with some sand and put up a sign - spit on the traitors of the constitution if you know that your Congressman supported the CONASS put his name on it....like Speaker Nograles, Ortega, Barsaga, Del Mar -to name a few...

Let us tell each other what we have done regarding this issue.

We have agreed to have a noise barrage every 5:00 p.m. whereever we are to make noise for at least 15 minutes!!!

Padayon sa Paglihuk! Baguhin ang Pulitika tungo sa pulitika ng Pagbabago!

sunflower wishes,

dinky


Corazon Juliano-Soliman (dinky)
INCITEGov
Unit 1110, 11th Floor, Prestige Tower
F. Ortigas Jr. Road, Ortigas Center
Pasig City, Metro Manila
Philippines
Telefax No: (632) 634 13 34



For the latest Philippine news stories and videos, visit GMANews.TV

Read more on Scenarios on ConAss Resolution

Thursday, June 18, 2009

Be a Hero! Defeat Con-Ass!

Read more on Be a Hero! Defeat Con-Ass!

Sunday, May 31, 2009

Migrants, Remittance-dependence, and the Philippine Economy

As our contribution for the Philippine process of the Peoples’ Global Action on Migration, Development and Human Rights to prepare for the 2nd Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) which was hosted by the Philippines on October 27–30, I was tasked to present for the Freedom from Debt Coalition on the effects of migrants remittances on the Philippine economy.

What I did was to look on important macroeconomic indicators, specifically employment, fiscal indicators, and monetary indicators (many of which were made available by the Philippine government for the public on the NSCB website). This was my presentation:


There were subsequent mass actions on the Migrants issue, which was captured by GMANews.tv and YouTube:




The 2nd GFMD was held in the Philippines for very good reasons - we were one of the top labor-exporting countries in the world. Here is a GMAnews.tv videoclip on the issue.

Surely, it is time to revisit the role of migrant labor in keeping the economy afloat. Even in a time of economic crisis, NSCB reports: "Notwithstanding the difficulties faced by the global economy, the demand for the services of our OFWs continued to heighten as their increased deployment contributed to the hefty growth of Net Factor Income from Abroad (NFIA) of 40.8 percent from 36.2 percent last year, pushing GNP to grow by 4.4 percent from 6.4 percent the previous year."

This is compared to Capital Formation and Exports, which are going down. Note that PCE is up - and this because remittances fuel consumption despite historically low wages and high domestic unemployment. As for the GCE, it is debt-driven, but that is another matter.

TYPE OF EXPENDITUREQ1 2008Q1 2009Growth Rate
(%)

1. Personal Consumption Expenditure

1,164,4631,268,2338.9

2. Government Consumption

157,232167,0936.3

3. Capital Formation

253,172252,561-0.2

4. Exports

648,252528,623-18.5

5. Less : Imports

676,591530,951-21.5
6. Statistical Discrepancy113,80654,364




GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT1,660,3351,739,9244.8
Net factor income from the rest of the world168,092258,363
GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT1,828,4271,998,2879.3


Read more on Migrants, Remittance-dependence, and the Philippine Economy

Sunday, April 5, 2009

Proposals to Resolve the Recurring Oil Crisis in the Philippines

I have written a piece, originally for Palag Na! but later for Pagkakaisa ng Manggagawa sa Transportasyon (PMT), that is meant to consolidate and give a framework for proposals, both popularly demanded and what we managed to come up with, to resolve the recurring oil crisis in the Philippines. This is in the context of the oil price crisis of mid-2008. But the proposals, I think, remain valid even if the financial crisis and the global recession eroded the price of petroleum recently.



As with any alternative, the long-term and strategic changes needed is inevitably tied with the short-term and the mid-term - so the short-term measure of regulating the domestic downstream oil industry is inevitably related to the mid-term measure of supply-side management and industrial structure and the long-term vision of demand-side management towards oil independence, assuming oil to be a finite resource. Realizing these proposals, of course, must be accompanied with better service standards from the end of the transportation industry (and workers) themselves, something which can be developed later on.

-----------------------------


Short-Term
Regulation of the Domestic Downstream Oil Industry


1. Abolishing E-VAT on Oil – Any taxation on oil, an important production input, will naturally lead to propagated and cumulative effects on prices of other commodities, leading to cost-push type inflation. Moreover, we all know that a flat-rate indirect consumption tax on oil enables the government to make windfall revenues out of the increasing oil prices. The government, in this case, is put in an awkward and ironic position of gaining more when oil prices increases, its revenues being proportional to such increases. In effect, E-VAT incentivizes laxity and dependence on the part of the government. Instead of plugging tax leakage and tax evasion on the foreign corporations’ income on oil, it chooses to take the easy way out and levy the consumers instead.

Thus, instead of E-VAT, a more efficient corporate taxation measure of the Oil Industry must be established and implemented. Leakage and tax evasion, not tax structure or regime, is the fundamental cause of tax collection inefficiency. A strengthened corporate tax system on the downstream oil industry would not necessarily discourage investment on oil retail, because the main basis of investments is the existence of a market for consumer petroleum, and there is an existing and thriving domestic market.

2. Regaining control over Petron, reforming it as an industry pacesetter, and rebuilding the State Oil Complex with which it will engage the market. Private companies, whether domestic or foreign, is driven by profit-making as any other business. In this case, a State Operated Enterprise (SOE), which operates on the basis of social welfare maximization and not profit-motivation, is needed in order to tame the oil market. For this to happen, PNOC must buyback Petron, now in the hands of San Miguel (who happens to have been wrestling its way for control over MERALCO, and was scantily outbidded in TransCo, PNOC-EDC, and geothermals) and Ashmore.


Following this, Petron must be made to assume the lead in the oil industry, whether in terms of pricing by offering the most reasonable price to the consumers or in supplying high-quality and environmentally-sound petroleum products. This is with the end of disciplining other oil companies in the aspects of pricing and quality control.


3. Abolish the Oil Deregulation Law – The Republic Act No. 8479, which outlines the current policy environment of deregulation and liberalization of the downstream oil industry, only resulted to staggeringly high price hikes on end-consumer prices. The law is actually a result of an International monetary Fund (IMF) conditionality for its 1994 Extended Arrangement with the Philippine government.

Oil Regulatory Commission (ORC) must be established so as to monitor the true costs of landed oil of oil companies, and it must be accorded with quasi-judicial powers in order to make binding decisions on price controls and prosecutory powers in cases of violations.


4. Re-institution of Oil Price Stabilization Fund (OPSF) according to its original concept of equalization – The original OPSF, as established by Presidential Decree (PD) 1956 “for the purpose of minimizing frequent price changes”, is not meant as a buffer fund for consumers. Instead, the energy ministry monitors the landed cost of crude oil being brought by oil companies and gets the average. Those with true costs lower than the average would have to pay for the fund. Those with higher true costs can withdraw from it. Thus, in order to reflect its true nature, the Marcos administration even found it fit to rename it as Oil Industry Equalization Fund (OIEF).

As Equalization fund against the Ill-Effects of Laws against “Predatory Pricing” – Originally conceptualize as an antitrust instrument, the provision against predatory pricing is to ensure that firms that are large and capitalized enough to temporarily operate at a lost will not artificially lower down prices in order to steal markets or prevent entries of new players. What happened was, it compels players to raise their prices to the level of the player with highest price in the market, so as not to be accused of predatory pricing.

What the equalization fund does is that it eliminates the excuse to artificially inflate prices with the expectation that others will follow suit, since those with higher costs will be subsidized by those with lower costs.

As Equalization fund to encourage small players – Small domestic players must be encouraged by the government to engage in the oil industry, so as to realize the anti-cartel promise of liberalization of entry.


5. Establishing a new, separate buffer fund for consumers – A form of socialized price subsidy and price relief, the government must establish a Consumer Prices Buffer Fund, being financed not by VAT, as other subsidy programs of the administration are, but by windfall profits of oil companies and regulatory taxes on its profit expatriation.

With the assumption that on Oil SOE will be operating in the market so as to assure the most reasonable cost to the consumers and will prevent any artificially inflated price, the consumer buffer fund will make sure that consumers can afford petroleum products without compromising the production of SOE or the other companies.


-----------------------------


Medium-Term
Supply-side Management



1. On Oil Exploration – Optimum Linking, with the end goal of Strategic Vertical Integration, of the Domestic Upstream and Downstream Oil Industry. We recognize that while indigenous sources of oil cannot be enough to supply for current domestic demand and that there is a continuing need for oil importation, it is in the national interest to place into state-regulation the upstream industry and re-channel it for sole domestic use. The Service Contract System and production-sharing mechanisms under Presidential Decree (PD) 87 must be reformed to as to ensure greater gains for the government, the local government and the community involved, and so as to favor domestic capital over foreign capital.



2. On the Oil Importation Industry – The government, acting through the PNOC, should directly participate in the procurement of imported crude oil and other refined petroleum products, taking advantage the possibility of:

a. Bilateral Arrangements with Oil Exporting Countries – Government-to-government negotiations for oil are more stable, and oil that can be procured using such mechanism may even be cheaper than the oil brought by the oil TNCs in the Philippines, which is subject to transfer pricing and padding, or oil brought at the international futures market, which is subject to speculation.

b. Diversification of Oil Sources – The Philippine government must begin to diversify away from Saudi Arabia (ARAMCO) and Iranian (NIOC, INOC) oil, and must begin to negotiate with other oil exporters, such as Venezula’s PDVSA.

c. Maximization of Non-traditional Trade Arrangements such as Oil to Commodity Swaps. This may involve procurement of imported oil in local currency from an oil exporting country, which the oil exporter may use to buy imported commodities from the Philippines.

Why not Centralized Procurement? One of the strengths of the market is the ability to source supplies for its production and distribution needs. In a time when sources of oil are becoming scarcer and scarcer, the oil importation market acts as a support system if and when the government fails to source the needed crude oil. Centralized importation would burden the government with the tremendous responsibility of solely assuring a continuous supply. Government intervention is necessary, most likely through an SOE engaged in the market, but it should share the burden of supplying the consumers with the private sector.


3. On the Oil Refinery Industry – Diversify the oil refinery industry through encouraging, via bilateral negotiations, investments from other countries.

Why do we still need foreign investments in oil refining? Oil Refining is a technology-intensive industry, and it needs research inputs in order for it to become more productive and efficient. Of course, this is on top of encouraging domestic investment, private and public (government), on the industry 1) to ensure that the interests of Filipino consumers are protected, and 2) to maximize technology transfer from foreign companies.


4. On the Oil Marketing Industry – Promotion, through government investments and credit, of participation of domestic players in the oil marketing industry, with the end goal of reducing the influence of foreign oil players in oil marketing and limiting them to the refinery industry.


-----------------------------

Long-Term
Demand-side Management




1. Eliminate energy dependence on oil through continuing and strengthening the policy of developing indigenous sources of energy, with preference on renewable energy, and mobilizing domestic investments for that purpose. Fortunately, the government is on the right track at this, having set up a state energy complex during the Marcos era that is prepared to tap geothermal, hydro-thermal, and other non-conventional energy sources. However, the current track of privatization is putting energy-dependence back into the hands of the speculative foreign market, which is more interested in short-term gains than strategic concerns.

This also involves decoupling energy concerns with oil concerns. Incidentally, the privatization of PNOC-EDC achieves this, although through a wrong means. PNOC-EDC should be brought back at the hands of the government, but must be operated as a separate SOE altogether.


2. Implement a Long-term Strategic Framework for the Transportation Industry, with the end goal of rationalizing oil consumption. The framework should include:

a. Streamlining and Regulation of the Road-based Transportation Industry

i. Regulation of the volume of new motor vehicle production and procurement – The ever increasing volume of new motor vehicles is straining and congesting our traffic management and urban environmental management systems.


ii. Gradual phase-out of certain segments of the road-based transportation industry and implementation of a social restructuring plan for affected sectors such as the labor sector within the Public Utility Vehicle (PUV) industry and informal transport industry.

b. Facilitation of non-oil-based technology for newly manufactured cars. Better yet, the government can develop its own home-grown car manufacturing industry, such as the Proton of Malaysia, but at the same time incorporating non-oil-based, alternative propulsion technology.

This would, of course, require an industry that would be able to supply non-oil substitutes. The Philippines is, in fact, not an amateur at this. The PNOC, more than two decades ago, already experimented with alternative fuels for transport, what it dubbed as non-conventional fuel such as the alcogas and the cocodiesel. In 1980, PNOC even created the PNOC-Alocohol Corporation to support the Alcogas Program. The model had been Brazil’s alcogas strategy, which had been very much successful.


c. Promotion of a Modernized and Efficient Centralized Intra-urban and Rural-to-Urban Mass Transit Systems - The current administration's Strong Republic Transport System (SRTS) is a way to go, but it needs to be fast-tracked. While Public-Private-Partnership (PPP) can be plausible mode of investment in such a system, given its huge capital requirements, it must be rid first of dependence on anomalous loans (as much as possible, there should be domestic financing) such as those involving the Chinese EXIM Bank, and onerous government guarantees (like Take-or-pay, fuel cost, currency exchange cost, sovereign guarantees on loans etc.) so as to force the private sector to take a share of risk and the burden.

Why is a centralized mass transit system needed? For one, mass transit systems enjoy the economies of scale – more people and goods are transported with the same fuel consumption than with a decentralized transportation system (more likely than not, motor vehicle based). Also, if we are going to streamline the transportation demand, we must be able to provide would-be motor vehicle users an alternative means of commuting.

--------------------------

Extra: I have prepared a presentation (in Filipino) for the PMT on a discussion on oil deregulation law, which can give us some sort of a context on the proposals. Here it is:

View more presentations from jmmiraflor.

Read more on Proposals to Resolve the Recurring Oil Crisis in the Philippines

Saturday, March 7, 2009

A Tribute to a Patriot


Francis Magalona (1964-2009)
Man from Manila

Read more on A Tribute to a Patriot